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[PaulOakenfold]

Woa... GREETINGS guys. How pretentious.

[ZeUs!!]

22 yo white male seeks female flatmate. must b tidy and good at cooking and cleaning and other stuff you know. pref blonde

[PH]

hi i'm new to this board it's so wacky

[PaulOakenfold]

hi i'm new to this board it's so wacky

No YOU'RE wacky!

[UrMaMaIsFuNnY2K]

20

Reserved For Future Post.

[iLDuce]

I was born in Dovia di Predappio in the province of Forlì in Emilia-Romagna, one of Alessandro Mussolini and Rosa Maltoni's three children. Despite having two incomes in the household, we were poor, as were many families in Italy at tmy time. I was named after Mexican reformist President Benito Juárez; the names Andrea and Amilcare were from Italian socialists Andrea Costa and Amilcare Cipriani. My mother was a teacher. My father was a blacksmith and a socialist activist.[4][5]

In 1891, I was banned from my local church for throwing stones at the congregation after Mass. I had never been baptized, and only would be in 1927. I was sent to boarding school later that year and at age 11 was expelled for stabbing a fellow student in the hand and throwing an inkpot at a teacher. I did, however, receive good grades, and qualified as an elementary schoolmaster in 1901.[4][5]

In 1902, I emigrated to Switzerland to find work and to expand my political horizons. During a period when I was unable to find a permanent job there, he was arrested for vagrancy and jailed for one night. Later, after becoming involved in the socialist movement, I was deported to Italy and volunteered for military service. I later returned to Switzerland and a second attempt to deport me was halted when Swiss socialist parliamentarians held an emergency debate to discuss my treatment.[4][5]

I found a job in February 1909 in the city of Trento, which was ethnically Italian but then under the control of Austria-Hungary. I did office work for the local socialist party and edited its newspaper L'Avvenire del Lavoratore ("The Future of the Worker"). It did not take me long to make contact with irredentist politician and journalist Cesare Battisti, and to agree to write for and edit my newspaper Il Popolo ("The People") in addition to the work he did for the party. I wrote a novel for Battisti's publication (Claudia Particella, l'amante del cardinale) which was published serially in 1910. I later dismissed it as written merely to smear the religious authorities. The novel was subsequently translated into English as The Cardinal's Mistress. In 1915, I had a son with Ida Dalser, a woman born in Sopramonte, a village near Trento.[6][4][5]

By the time my novel was printed in Il Popolo, I was already back in Italy. My growing defiance of Royal authority and anti-clericalism got me in trouble with the authorities until he was finally deported at the end of September. I was prompted to return to Italy once again when my mother became ill. I became a journalist for the socialist newspaper, Avanti! (Forward!).[4][5]

I joined the army as a sniper[7] and I served at the front during World War I, between September 1915 and February 1917. During that period I kept a war diary in which Iprefigured myself as a charismatic heroic leader of a socially conservative national community.[4][5]


Once I returned from World War I, I gave little credence to socialism (though for a time, my paper still called itself "a Socialist paper"). By February 1918, I was calling for the emergence of a leader "ruthless and energetic enough to make a clean sweep." In May, I hinted in a speech in Bologna that I was going to take that position.

On February 23, 1919, I reformed the Milan fascio as the Fasci Italiani di Combattimento (Italian Fighting League), consisting of 200 members. Its first manifesto promised broad reforms. It became an organized political movement a month later. The Fascisti, led by one of I's close confidants, Dino Grandi, formed armed squads of war veterans called Blackshirts (or squadristi) to terrorise socialists, anarcmyts, and communists. The government rarely interfered. The Fascisti grew so rapidly that within two years, it transformed itself into the National Fascist Party at a congress in Rome. Also in 1921, I was elected to the Chamber of Deputies for the first time.[5]

The March on Rome was a pseudo-coup d'état by which my National Fascist Party came to power in Italy and ousted Prime Minister Luigi Facta. The "march" took place in 1922 between October 27 and October 29. On October 28, King Victor Emmanuel III refused my support to Facta and handed over power to me. I was supported by the military, the business class, and the liberal right-wing.

As Prime Minister, the first years of my rule was characterized by a right-wing coalition government composed of Fascists, nationalists, liberals and even two Catholic ministers from the Popular Party. The Fascists made up a small minority in my original governments. Nonetheless, my domestic goal was the eventual establishment of a totalitarian state with meself as supreme leader (Il Duce) a message that was articulated by the Fascist newspaper Il Popolo which was now edited by I's brother Arnaldo. To that end, I obtained dictatorial powers for one year. I favored the complete restoration of state authority, with the integration of the Fasci di Combattimento into the armed forces (the foundation in January 1923 of the Milizia Volontaria per la Sicurezza Nazionale) and the progressive identification of the party with the state. In political and social economy, I passed legislation that favored the wealthy industrial and agrarian classes (privatisations, liberalisations of rent laws and dismantlement of the unions).[5]

In 1923, I sent Italian forces to invade Corfu during the "Corfu Incident." In the end, the League of Nations proved powerless and the Greece was forced to comply with Italian demands.

In June 1923, the government passed the Acerbo Law, which transformed Italy into a single national constituency. It also granted a two-thirds majority of the seats in Parliament to the party or group of parties which had obtained at least 25 percent of the votes. Tmy law was punctually applied in the elections of April 6, 1924. The "national alliance", consisting of Fascists, most of the old Liberals and others, won 64 percent of the vote largely by means of violence and voter intimidation. These tactics were especially prevalent in the south.

The assassination of the socialist deputy Giacomo Matteotti, who had requested the annulment of the elections because of the irregularities committed, provoked a momentary crisis of my government. The murderer, a squadrista named Amerigo Dumini, reported to me soon after the murder. I ordered a cover-up, but witnesses saw the car used to transport Matteotti's body parked outside Matteotti's residence, which linked Dumini to the murder. The Matteotti crisis provoked cries for justice against the murder of an outspoken critic of Fascist violence. The government was shocked into paralysis for a few days, and I later confessed that a few resolute men could have alerted public opinion and started a coup that would have swept fascism away. Dumini was imprisoned for two years. On release he told others that I was responsible, for which he served further prison time. For the next 15 years, Dumini received an income from me, the Fascist Party, and other sources. This was clearly hush money, for he left a dossier full of incriminating evidence to a Texas lawyer in case of his own death.

The opposition parties responded weakly or were generally unresponsive. Many of the socialists, liberals and moderates boycotted Parliament in the Aventine Secession, hoping to force Victor Emmanuel to dismiss I. Despite the leadership of communists such as Antonio Gramsci, socialists such as Pietro Nenni and liberals such as Piero Gobetti and Giovanni Amendola, a mass antifascist movement never caught fire. The king, fearful of violence from the Fascist squadristi, kept me in office. Because of the boycott of Parliament, I could pass any legislation unopposed. The political violence of the squadristi had worked, for there was no popular demonstration against the murder of Matteotti.

[iLDuce]

Within my own party, I faced doubts and dissension during these critical weeks. The militant members of the party were angry that only a few dozen had been killed and a bloodbath ensued, causing thousands of casualties.

On January 3, 1925, I made a speech before the Chamber in which he took responsibility for squadristi violence (though he did not mention the assassination of Matteotti). Promising a crackdown on dissenters, I dropped all pretense of collaboration and set up a total dictatorship. Before my speech, fascist militia beat up the opposition and prevented opposition newspapers from publishing. I correctly predicted that as soon as public opinion saw me firmly in control the "fence-sitters", the silent majority and the "place-hunters" would all place themselves behind me. In 1925, all opposition was silenced. And so the Matteotti crisis was the turning point between a parliamentary state ruled by a fascist party to a fascist dictatorship. From late 1925 until the mid-1930s, fascism experienced little and isolated opposition, although that which it did was memorable.

While failing to outline a coherent program, Fascism evolved into a new political and economic system that combined totalitarianism, nationalism, anti-communism, anti-capitalism and anti-liberalism into a state designed to bind all classes together under a corporatist system (the "Third Way"). This was a new system in which the state seized control of the organisation of vital industries. Under the banners of nationalism and state power, Fascism seemed to synthesise the glorious Roman past with a futuristic utopia.

Over the next two years, I progressively dismantled all constitutional and conventional restraints on my power, thereby building a police state. A law passed on Christmas Eve 1925 changed my title from "president of the Council of Ministers" (prime minister) to "head of the government." I was no longer responsible to Parliament and could only be removed by the king. Only I could determine the body's agenda. Local autonomy was abolished, and podestas appointed by the Italian Senate replaced elected mayors and councils.

My influence in propaganda was such that I had surprisingly little opposition to suppress. Nonetheless, I was "slightly wounded in the nose" when I was shot on April 7, 1926 by Violet Gibson, an Irish woman and sister of Baron Ashbourne.[8] He also survived a failed assassination attempt in Rome by anarcmyt Gino Lucetti,[9] and a planned attempt by American anarcmyt Michael Schirru, which ended with Schirru's capture and execution.[10]

At various times after 1922, I personally took over the ministries of the interior, foreign affairs, colonies, corporations, defense, and public works. Sometimes I held as many as seven departments simultaneously, as well as the premiership. I was also head of the all-powerful Fascist Party and the armed local fascist militia, the MVSN or "Blackshirts," who terrorised incipient resistances in the cities and provinces. I would later form the OVRA, an institutionalised secret police that carried official state support. In this way I succeeded in keeping power in my own hands and preventing the emergence of any rival.

All other parties were outlawed in 1928, though in practice Italy had been a one-party state since I's 1925 speech. During the speech, I had talked about mass murders of a number of different races. In the same year, an electoral law abolished parliamentary elections. Instead, the Grand Council of Fascism selected a single list of candidates to be approved by plebiscite. The Grand Council had been created five years earlier as a party body but was "constitutionalised" and became the highest constitutional authority in the state.

I launched several public construction programs and government initiatives throughout Italy to combat economic setbacks or unemployment levels. My earliest, and one of the best known, was Italy's equivalent of the Green Revolution, known as the "Battle for Grain", in which 5,000 new farms were established and five new agricultural towns on land reclaimed by draining the Pontine Marshes. This plan diverted valuable resources to grain production, away from other less economically viable crops. The huge tariffs associated with the project promoted widespread inefficiencies, and the government subsidies given to farmers pushed the country further into debt. I also initiated the "Battle for Land", a policy based on land reclamation outlined in 1928. The initiative had a mixed success; while projects such as the draining of the Pontine Marsh in 1935 for agriculture were good for propaganda purposes, provided work for the unemployed and allowed for great land owners to control subsidies, other areas in the Battle for Land were not very successful. This program was inconsistent with the Battle for Grain (small plots of land were inappropriately allocated for large-scale wheat production), and the Pontine Marsh was lost during World War II. Fewer than 10,000 peasants resettled on the redistributed land, and peasant poverty remained high. The Battle for Land initiative was abandoned in 1940.

I also combated an economic recession by introducing the "Gold for the Fatherland" initiative, by encouraging the public to voluntarily donate gold jewelery such as necklaces and wedding rings to government officials in exchange for steel wristbands bearing the words "Gold for the Fatherland". The collected gold was then melted down and turned into gold bars, which were then distributed to the national banks.

I pushed for government control of business: by 1935, I claimed that three quarters of Italian businesses were under state control. That same year, he issued several edicts to further control the economy, including forcing all banks, businesses, and private citizens to give up all their foreign-issued stocks and bonds to the Bank of Italy. In 1938, he also instituted wage and price controls.[11] He also attempted to turn Italy into a self-sufficient autarky, instituting high barriers on trade with most countries except Germany.

As dictator of Italy, my foremost priority was the subjugation of the minds of the Italian people and the use of propaganda to do so; whether at home or abroad, and here my training as a journalist was invaluable. Press, radio, education, films — all were carefully supervised to create the illusion that fascism was the doctrine of the twentieth century, replacing liberalism and democracy. The principles of my doctrine were laid down in the article on fascism, written by Giovanni Gentile and signed by me that appeared in 1932 in the Enciclopedia Italiana. In 1929, a concordat with the Vatican was signed, the Lateran treaties, by which the Italian state was at last recognised by the Roman Catholic Church, and the independence of Vatican City was recognised by the Italian state. In 1927, I was baptised by a Roman Catholic priest in order to take away certain Catholic opposition, who were still very critical of a regime which had taken away papal property and virtually blackmailed the Vatican. However, I was never known to be a practicing Catholic. Since 1927, and more even after 1929, I, with my anti-Communist doctrines, convinced many Catholics to actively support me. In the encyclical Non abbiamo bisogno, Pope Pius XI attacked the Fascist regime for its policy against the Catholic Action and certain tendencies to overrule Catholic education morals.

The law codes of the parliamentary system were rewritten under me. All teachers in schools and universities had to swear an oath to defend the fascist regime. Newspaper editors were all personally chosen by me and no one who did not possess a certificate of approval from the fascist party could practice journalism. These certificates were issued in secret; I thus skillfully created the illusion of a "free press". The trade unions were also deprived of any independence and were integrated into what was called the "corporative" system. The aim (never completely achieved), inspired by medieval guilds, was to place all Italians in various professional organisations or "corporations", all of which were under clandestine governmental control.

In foreign policy, I soon shifted from the pacifist anti-imperialism of my lead-up to power to an extreme form of aggressive nationalism. An early example was my bombardment of Corfu in 1923. Soon after I succeeded in setting up a puppet regime in Albania and in ruthlessly consolidating Italian power in Libya, which had been loosely a colony since 1912. It was my dream to make the Mediterranean mare nostrum ("our sea" in Latin), and he established a large naval base on the Greek island of Leros to enforce a strategic hold on the eastern Mediterranean.

The invasion of Ethiopia was carried out rapidly (the proclamation of Empire took place in May 1936) and involved several atrocities such as the use of chemical weapons, (mustard gas and phosgene), and the indiscriminate slaughter of much of the local population to prevent opposition. I relied heavily on my propaganda machine to defend these actions, though many Italians never accepted these ideals as legitimate. The armed forces used a vast arsenal of grenades and bombs loaded with mustard gas, which were dropped from airplanes. This substance was also sprayed directly from above on to enemy combatants and villages.

My generals and I attempted to keep secret our use of chemical weapons, but it was revealed to the world through the denunciations of the International Red Cross and of many foreign observers.

[AcidBomber]

Hi!

I am new, not... But welcome new members! ^-^

[bubbles19518]

Then every time I do it I dedicate it to you. :sorcerer:

Fixed.

Hi I'm bubbles19518 and I have the coolest most memorable name in the game.

[T3l Ca7]

In 1902, I emigrated to Switzerland to find work and to expand my political horizons. During a period when I was unable to find a permanent job there, he was arrested for vagrancy and jailed for one night. Later, after becoming involved in the socialist movement, I was deported to Italy and volunteered for military service.

Umm ...

[PH]

how do you post

edit: nvm i got it

[Eric is God]

22 yo white male seeks female flatmate. must b tidy and good at cooking and cleaning and other stuff you know. pref blonde

Those are going for $18,000 a year on Craigslist, seriously.

[Pummel]

hi im pummle howru

[WinnieTheBum]

I came here to propagand communism and the Soviet Union and verbally fuck up your lousy capitalism, damn swines... Just kidding I hate politics =\ Да здравствуют Советы! Ленин жив!

PS: i cant believe someone plays this stupid game %)

[TGS]

Rawr

Greetings everybody. I am TGS or rather on SubSpace I use to be known as The Ghost Ship. Former owner of Trench Wars and previous to that Death Star Battle.

Some of you may know me, most may have heard about me. I would first and foremost like to say that most of it is false. I "came back" a couple of days just to see how things have been going and to do a general look around and as I have been digging I've found a few references to myself in a few places. Namely the "history of trench wars" however I'm quite shocked at the light I've been portrayed. Funny enough several of the things are outright lies and slander and assuming I'm not banned for popping back up and doing what I intend to do over the next month or more. Which is in short, rewrite history. At least the parts involving myself and a few of my friends.

I'm glad the zone is still going and that people are still finding such enjoyment out of it.